the services of the Church were obliged to do so
at a very early hour of the morning; for if they
did so at a time of day when their attendance
was liable to be observed, they were sure to
hear themselves abused as wretches and
hypocrites. The object of the trial, it seems, was to
bring home to certain individuals the charge of
belonging to a secret society. And we have
another of the government officials who, like the
above mentioned, was called for the prosecution,
declaring that if the government wished to lay
hands on all guilty of that crime it would be
necessary to arrest a large portion of the entire
population. The author of the pamphlet, which
has supplied us with these extracts from the
judicial record of the trial, asks very pertinently
whether, in a population thus described by the
government officials, the "few factious
individuals" were not those THIRTY PERSONS, who,
according to the registers of the professional
political spies—certainly the best authority on
such a point—were the only faithful friends of
the established government?

There is no reason whatever for imagining that
any causes for this universal disaffection are
operative in the city and district of Ravenna
which are not equally operative in every other
part of the Papal States. But we are not left to
any possibility of error on this point. Has
Bologna shown itself better disposed towards its
"Holy Father?" Does the unanimity of the
representatives of the whole of Romagna tell a
different tale? If these representatives do not
fairly and truly represent the sentiment of the
entire lay population, where are the reclamations
of those whose votes have been fraudulently
suppressed? The road is freely open to Rome.
The post is not tampered with by the rebels.
And how welcome and how precious at Rome
would be a respectably and numerously signed
memorial of the unrepresented may be readily
imagined. Was affection for the Pope's rule
more abundant at Perugia? Did it happen
there also that "a few factious persons" caused
the city to rise in revolt and defend its walls
against its "legitimate" sovereign? If so,
Colonel Schmid and his ferocious soldiers hardly
deserved decorations, promotions, and public
thanks at the hands of the "benignant" Pius
for the indiscriminate massacre of his faithful
subjects. In Rome itself, is it the fear of a few
factious men that will cause every man
connected with the government to fly for his life
from the well-affected city the instant they
are no longer protected by foreign bayonets?
Has the Papal government, then, in its vigilant
disarming of the population, taken all
means of defence only from its own friends,
and left arms in the hands of its few factious
enemies?

This universality of hatred to the Pope's rule
is so conclusive a condemnation of it, and is so
evidently felt to be such by the government
itself, as indicated by its passionate and desperate
denial of facts so notorious, that it seems
almost superfluous to insist on Mortara
kidnappings, or other such isolated instances of
misdoing, which especially in the shape of law
defying, political persecution, might be multiplied
till nothing short of a blue-book of the
biggest dimensions would contain them. But,
as the recent political events in the country have
abundantly shown who, and of what classes and
sorts, are the Pope's enemies, it may be worth
while to put on record an exceedingly curious
and less known fact, which will indicate the
class to which his friends belong. The circumstance
to be told is so monstrous, that nothing
but the unimpeachable evidence of a public
judicial act would make it credible or justify the
publication of it. Being of undeniable authenticity
as it is, it speaks volumes as to the sort
of work to be done between the Pope and his
subjects, and the means so holy a father adopts
for the doing of it. The colonel of the Papal
gendarmerie, a post which, under such a government as that of Rome, involves more political
than ordinary police duty, and the functions of
which place every citizen in the state more or
less immediately at the mercy of the man who
holds it, is one Filippo Nardoni. This man was
elevated to that position and decorated with
some knightly order by Cardinal Antonelli, the
present all-powerful minister. Now, this Filippo
Nardoni was, under the government of the First
Napoleon, in 1812, tried and condemned to the
pillory and to the galleys as a thief and a
forger! We are indebted for this astounding
fact to Signor A. Gennarelli, who has printed in
the appendix, to the above-cited little book, the
sentence passed on Nardoni, with the grounds
of it at length, as extracted by him from the
archives of the court which tried the man. The
fact was first printed by Signor Gennarelli in a
Roman newspaper in 1848, upon which occasion
he received a message from the ex-galley slave,
to the effect that the thefts for which he had
been condemned were "juvenile errors,
occasioned by a passion for the lottery!" Is it not
fair to conclude that the work to be entrusted
to such an agent was of a nature that made it
difficult to find an honest man willing to undertake
it.

The general moral and physical condition of
the Pope's dominions is a sufficiently evident
cause for the universal discontent which exists
there; and is a patent and standing proof that
the government which has brought a country to
such a condition has done "wrong" in every
department of its duty. But if a recapitulation
of the wrongs specially perpetrated by the
present Pope's government, and superadded to all
the chronic mass of wrong that has made the
Ecclesiastical States what they are, be desired,
it may be found in the following extract from
the work above cited. The "he" of the Italian
author refers to Cardinal Antonelli, who is the
minister of the acts of Pius:

"He has made laws, by comparison with
which those of Draco fall to a third-rate degree
of ferocity. He has created a new kind of torture.
He has entrusted the police duties of the
country to men who have been condemned to
the galleys for life by the tribunals. He has