fought for, and the proved faithlessness of
all he had trusted.  He died in 1859, like
his great contemporary, Szechenyi, a
madman.

It is time, however, to return to
Stuhlweisseinburg.   When Jellachich assured
the Hungarians that he did not intend to
deprive the Magyar nationality of a single
constitutional privilege, he spoke the truth.
When he assured the Emperor that he was
resolved not to survive the empire, he also
spoke the truth.  To save and restore the
empire, in order to establish securely, under
the safeguard of its paternal supremacy, the
equal national rights of all its constituent
populations, was the object for which he
was now fighting.  He had marched with
such rapidity upon Stuhlweissemburg that
his heavy guns had been purposely left
behind; and in his first encounters with
the Hungarian forces who, though less
numerous, had the advantage of superior
artillery, and fought with immense
gallantry he experienced heavy losses, and
fell back upon Raab.

The Magyars claimed a great victory,
and it was reported throughout Europe
that the army of Jellachich was in full
retreat.  The fact is, however, that Jellachich,
who was still awaiting reinforcements from
Vienna, had wisely resolved not to risk the
annihilation of his army by a premature
attack on the formidably fortified heights
of Buda.  On the other hand, to commence
the siege of Pesth, it would have been
necessary to cross the Danube, and attack the
city under the guns of the fortress.  The
whole of the Illyrian population had risen
to join his standards.  From Temeswar,
Sclavonia, and all the south-eastern
comitats, these terrible volunteers were now
marching, with the Greek patriarch of
Carlowitz at their head, to reach the camp
of the Ban.  In order to effect a junction
with the forces expected from the Austrian
capital, Jellachich now moved westward,
upon Raab and Commorn, from which he
could command the Danube and the
communitions between Vienna and Buda.

At this juncture, Kossuth, for the first
time, showed real diplomatic ability.  He
perceived that the combination of
Austrians and Croats, once effected, would
be overwhelming, and that the safety of
Hungary depended on his power to
prevent it.  The Vienna Radicals formed
only a tenth part of the constituent
assembly which at that time represented the
empire, minus Hungary, Croatia,
Transylvania, and Lombardy. But they could
count on the co-operation of the Academic
Legion: a sort of civic guard, composed
partly of students, and partly of young
revolutionists from all parts of the
empire—Germans, Poles, Italians.
Kossuth had the sagacity to see, at a glance,
that the fate of Hungary must now be
decided at Vienna, that he had not a moment
to lose in endeavouring to impose a change
of policy on the central government, and
that his natural allies were the Viennese
Radicals.  He immediately entered into
negotiations with them, and conducted
those negotiations with uncommon skill,
rapidity, and courage.  The Poles were
persuaded to identify Jellachich with their
terror of Russian intrigues; the Italians,
with their indignant recollection of the
Croat regiments, who fought against the
independence of Italy upon Italian soil;
the Germans, with a reactionary despotism.
At the same time the Vienna Radicals were
promised the support of a powerful army,
which Kossuth was to despatch to their
assistance as soon as they had raised the
red flag in Vienna.  The Academic Legion
rose to arms at the call of the forty Radicals
in the assembly.  Vienna was again
revolutionised.  The weak Bach administration
was dispersed.  General Latour, the
minister of war, who had promised
assistance to the Ban, was hanged on a
lamppost. The troops abandoned the town,
which remained completely in the hands of
the mob; and the Emperor, once more a
fugitive, escaped to Lintz, leaving behind
him this proclamation:

Schoenbrun, 7th of October, 1848.

I have done all that a sovereign can do
for the public good.  I have renounced the
absolute power bequeathed to me by my
ancestors.  Forced, in the month of May, to
fly the home of my fathers, I returned to it
with no other guarantee than my
confidence in my people.  A faction, strong in
its audacity, has pushed matters to the last
extremity.  Pillage and murder reign at
Vienna, and my minister of war has been
assassinated.  Trusting in God and my
right, I again quit my capital in order to
find elsewhere the means of succouring my
oppressed subjects.  Let all who love
Austria and her liberties rally round their
Emperor.

CHAPTER VIII

THE position of Jellachich, deprived of
the support from Vienna, on which he had
been depending, and shut in between the