It is surely very desirable that some
experiments should now be tried, as far as possible,
surrounded by the circumstances which would
attend an actual naval engagement, so that we
might see the result of some shots fired from
a ship well out at sea, and in motion, at another
similarly situated. We might then be able to
form some idea how many blows, or how few, it
would take to break in a ship's cuirass, and
might get, perhaps, a little nearer to setting this
vexed question at rest. As the case stands,
the conviction does force itself on one's mind
that, being satisfied with a low rate of speed, a
vessel might be constructed, so thickly plated as
to be secure against any force of artillery we
at present possess. It might be sluggish, difficult
to manage; but it would be impregnable.
It would seem to have been with an eye to some
such vessel—to a floating battery, in fact—that
these experiments with plates of the extraordinary
thickness of six and a half and seven and
a half inches have been made. We have been
testing the vulnerability of ships now non-
existent. No ship could carry such plates as
these and be fit for active service, while, as to
the armour with which our vessels are at
present provided, it has been already set at nought.
The plates of the Warrior were perforated long
ago by a Whitworth shell driven from a Whitworth
gun: the shell remaining intact in its
passage through the ship's side, and bursting
only when well through and in the inside of, the
vessel.

PERSIAN POLITICS.

"How is it," said a despairing British diplomatist
to a Persian courtier, determined to have
it fairly out with him—"how is it that for some
years past, my country and yours have not been
good friends? England is anxious to stand well
with you. She desires to see you strong and
prosperous. She would be willing to aid you, if
possible, against a foreign enemy, or give you
every advice and assistance in her power to
improve the state of your country at home. In
return, she simply and loyally asks only for your
friendship and good will. Why do you persist
in misunderstanding us?"

"Why," replied the Persian, with equal frankness,
"we acknowledge two motives for our
actions. We may be forced to do a thing, or we
may be bribed to do it. Force you dare not use,
for your parliament will not allow it. This we
know, therefore we are not afraid of you. We
have nothing to hope from you; for, although you
are very rich, nothing will ever induce you to
part with any of your money. We Persians are
naturally insolent towards those from whom we
have nothing to hope and nothing to fear. Tke
eternal cackle of your blue-books and newspapers
has long ago taught us that we are a political
necessity to you, as long as you maintain your
empire in the East. We know perfectly well
that whatever we do you will not harm us, and
we do not choose to serve your purposes for
nothing. One hundredth part of the sum you
wasted in making such a silly rumpus down at
Bushire a few years ago, if well distributed
among the right people, would have made us
your humble servants for the next hundred years.
As it was, we derived a singular pleasure in
provoking you, knowing perfectly well that we were
quite safe in so doing. We enjoyed, also, much
amusement from the Indian rebellion, and, had
it continued, we should have sent active aid to
the insurgents, to spite you. It would have been
better to give us a few tomauns."

"Doubtless it would have been better,"
returned the Englishman, good humouredly, " if—
honour apart—Persia were the only nation in
the world whose friendship could be bought.
But if we bought you, we must buy the chief
of Herat, and every rapacious soldier whose
sword wins power for him in Cabool and Candahar.
We must purchase the Affghans, and the
Oosbegs, and the Turcomans, and the free
countries of India. We are, as you say, a rich
people, but we are not rich enough for this.
Besides, it is not our way. We prefer merely to
keep an eye upon your proceedings when you
reject our friendship; though we wish for peace,
you have learned how we can go to war."

"Pooh!" said the Persian; "you kill a few
men, you waste a great deal of powder in knocking
about some mud walls on the coast; but we
know very well that you will never furnish so
inconvenient a precedent to Russia as to take one
inch of our territory. We don't care about your
blustering."

"We might not," rejoined the Englishman,
"indeed, occupy any portion of your country
permanently; but supposing we were to march upon
your capital and change the dynasty? We
might easily find among our pensioners and
dependents, some manageable prince to place
upon the most brilliant throne in Asia."

"And what should we care if you did find
him?" replied the khan. " We have none of that
loyalty towards a man, or a family, which is the
boast of the royalists of Europe. We respect,
because we fear, the power of the king, but we
have no love for his person. Plenty of
discontented and powerful khans would always hail
a new reign with delight. It would be an amusement
and an excitement for us at any time, to
have a new king. It would open a fresh field for
the intrigues in which we delight."

"Very probably," said the Englishman; "but
how would such a prospect appear to the king
himself?"

"He would never believe in it," answered the
Persian. " If he were persuaded that there was
any real danger, he would make peace with you
in time to avert it; after having enjoyed the
pleasure of irritating you as long as it was
safe to do so. But in truth there is no such
danger. Russia would never allow you to place
a creature of your own upon the throne of Persia,
and we should at once appeal to her for protection,
which we think we might always obtain, at