memory of one who lived but for his country,
and died when liberty and justice had been
driven from its confines by a set of villains
whose thirst for blood is only to be equalled by
their activity in plunder."

Thistlewood then proceeded to disclaim any
personal motive, but a wish for the welfare of
his starving countrymen, and pity for the
hundreds massacred and trampled on at Manchester.
It was then, he confessed, that he had resolved
on vengeance, "that the woes of the instigators
should be the requiem to the souls of the
murdered innocents." In this mood for wreaking
what he considered national vengeance,
Thistlewood said he had met the man Edwards, who,
then poor and penniless, and without even a
bed, was living near Pickett-street, in the Strand.
He had since that appeared dressed like a lord,
declaring he had been found to be the heir to
a German baron. He had, in fact, sold
himself as a spy to the government. This man
had proposed to him to blow up the House of
Commons, to attack the ministers at the
Spanish ambassador's fête, or to throw hand-
grenades into their carriages as they passed
through the streets.

Then Thistlewood grew more excited. He
talked of Brutus, and pleaded that when a set
of men placed themselves above the laws and
murdered the people, only a private arm could
bring them to justice; and it was a duty of
every one to rid his country of its oppressors.

Lord Chief Justice Abbott interfered, but
Thistlewood continued to assert that high
treason had been wrought against the
Manchester people, and justice denied to the
mutilated and the maimed. The Prince Regent had
thanked the murderers still reeking with their
gore. "If one spark of honour," he said—
"one spark of independence—still glimmered
in the breast of Englishmen, they would have
rose to a man. Insurrection then became a
public duty, and the blood of the victims should
have been the watchword to vengeance on their
murderers."

The Chief Justice: We cannot allow this.

Thistlewood: I have but a few lines more.
The banner of independence should have floated
in the gale that brought their wrongs and their
sufferings to the metropolis; such, however, was
not the case. Albion is still in the chains of
slavery. I quit it without regret. I shall soon
be consigned to the grave, my body will be
immured beneath the soil whereon I first drew
breath. My only sorrow is, that the soil should
be a theatre for slaves, for cowards, and for
despots. My motives, I doubt not, will
hereafter be justly appreciated. I will therefore
now conclude by stating that I shall consider
myself as murdered if I am to be executed on
the verdict obtained against me."

Davidson denied that he had ever heard of
any intentions to dethrone the king, talked of
Magna Charta, and the right of the people to
arm to secure their privileges, and declared that
he had been entrapped. He concluded with
these words: "I can die but once in this world,
and the only regret left is, that I have
a large family of small children, and when I
think of that it unmans me, and I shall say
no more."

Ings, who had once boasted that he had gone
out intending to shoot the Prince Regent as he
went to parliament, and regretted that he had
not done so, said that, in his poverty, he had been
ensnared by Edwards. He also alluded
indignantly to the cruelties at Manchester. "To cut
down unarmed men, women, and children," he
said, "was a disgrace to the name and character
of Englishmen. He hoped his children would
live to see the day when they should all be free
men and see justice administered. I had
rather," he concluded, "die like a man than
live like a slave."

Brunt said his life had been sworn away. He
was no traitor or enemy to his king, but only
to the boroughmongering faction, who destroyed
the vitals of the country. He considered Lord
Sidmouth's circular sent out to instigate the
cavalry to murder the Manchester men. He
admitted that he had attempted what he wished
had been done, and he thought the country
would have been compensated had those men
been put out of the way. "I think," he said,
"it is what they merit—I actually think it is
what they merit. If a man murders my brother,
I have a right to murder him. What does the
Scriptures say: 'An eye for an eye, and a tooth for
a tooth.' I have no private enmity against any
gentleman in the country; it was for the public
good that I came forward, and I would have
gone through with it. Try me for murder,
hang me, draw me, quarter me, but let me have
justice; that is all I have to say."

Tidd said all the witnesses had sworn falsely
except Captain Fitzclarence; as for shooting at
that gentleman, as a private gentleman, he
would as soon have shot his own father.

Thistlewood, Davidson, Ings, Brunt, and Tidd
were sentenced to be hung, and to have their
heads severed from their bodies—the quartering
being graciously forgiven.

Wilson, Harrison, Bradburn, Strange,
Gilchrist, and Cooper, were transported tor life.
At a cabinet council on Saturday, the 29th of
April, the execution of the desperate men was
fixed for the ensuing Monday. The governor of
Newgate received the death-warrant at seven
P.M. on Saturday, and instantly went to the
condemned room and read it to the prisoners,
who were sitting there watched by eight officers.
They all rose respectfully when he entered, and
seemed conscious of the news that he brought.

Thistlewood said quite calmly: "The sooner
we go, sir, the better—our wish is to die as
soon as possible." The other prisoners
expressed the same feeling.

On Mr. Brown's asking them if they wished
the assistance of a clergyman of any persuasion,
they made no reply.

They slept soundly nearly the whole night,
and only awoke at the unbarring of the cell
doors to admit the ordinary, whose zeal had led
him there at midnight. Mr. Cotton went to