Mr. Fox's impressions respecting his
conversations with Bonaparte are best given in his
own words. In a letter written to Lord (then
Mr.) Grey in December, just after his return
from Paris, he says:

"My notion about Bonaparte's politics is
this, that when I first went to Paris, he was
foolishly sore about our newspapers, but not ill-
disposed to the ministers, and still less to the
country. At this time he was out of humour
with Austria, and determined, as I suspect, not
to give way a tittle to her. Afterwards, when
he suspected (whether truly or falsely) that
we should interfere, he began to be terribly
afraid of a war, which might in France be
imputed to his rashness. In consequence of this
fear, he did make concessions by no means
inconsiderable to Austria, and immediately felt
bitter against us, who were the cause of his
making them. But as that bitterness (according
to my hypothesis) arises principally from the
fear he has of our driving him into an unpopular
war, I do not think it will for the present prevent
peace; nor, indeed, if pacific counsels and
language are used here, that it is at all likely to be
lasting. You may depend upon it that commerce,
and especially colonial commerce, is now the principal
object; and upon these subjects they have
a stupid admiration of our systems of the worst
kind, slave-trade, prohibitions, protecting duties,
and so on. However, bad as these systems may
be, France must in some degree recover her
commerce, and the more she does the more will
she be afraid of a war with England. But what
signifies France? Bonaparte can do what
pleases him, without consulting the nation.
This is not true in any country beyond a certain
extent, and I feel morally certain that
Bonaparte and all his friends are of opinion that war
with England is the only event that can put his
power in peril. An army is a most powerful
instrument of government; but, that it is not
in all cases one upon which dependance can be
placed is proved by the history of every country
where very enormous armies are maintained;
and out of the army he cannot expect the
approbation of any one individual, if he engages
in any war with us to which he is not actually
driven. Whatever ridicule may be thrown upon
the title of 'Pacificator,' you may be sure that
whatever hold he has (perhaps no great matter
neither) upon the people of France arises from
the opinion that he and he alone could make the
peace, and that he will be the best able to
maintain it. Now, after I have said all this, I
admit the justness of your apprehensions, that the
hostile language and 'attitudes' (if one must
use the new-fangled word) of the two nations
may produce war against the wishes of the two
governments; and to lessen that danger, as far
as I shall at present meddle in politics, shall be
my aim."

On the 24th of September, Mr. Fox and his
party left Paris for La Grange, the residence of
Lafayette.

"The chateau was of a very singular
construction, quadrangular, and ornamented at each
angle by Moorish towers, which had no unpleasing
effect. Near the mansion was a ruined
chapel. We drove into the court-yard. The
family came into the hall to meet us, and
received Mr. and Mrs. Fox with the heartiest
welcome. It consisted of two daughters, a son
and his wife, all young, and living with M. de
Lafayette, as their brother and friend, his age
being at this time about forty-nine or fifty.
His benevolent countenance, his frank warm
manner, and a placid contentedness, had
altogether an irresistible charm for every one, and
made him quite adored in his family. Madame
de Lafayette, of the ancient family of the
Noailles, with the high polish of the old nobility,
was eloquent and animated, and fondly attached
to her husband and her family. It is well known
that M. de Lafayette had been arrested on leaving
France in 1793, and thrown into the
dungeons of Olmütz. He had been imprisoned
a considerable time when Madame de Lafayette,
unable any longer to bear her separation from
him, determined to make an effort for his liberty,
or to share his captivity, and she set out with
her young children for Germany, where, at the
feet of the emperor, she implored his majesty to
release her husband, or to allow her to share his
confinement. Her first request was refused, but
she was permitted to visit her husband. For
several years from that time she never left him,
herself and daughter undergoing with him every
inconvenience and misery. The damp of his
prison hurt her health, and she never quite
recovered from its effect. Bonaparte—to his
honour be it remembered—interposed as soon
as he had power, and insisted on M. de
Lafayette's liberation. Accordingly, at the period
of which I write (1802), something more than
ten years after his first imprisonment, M. de
Lafayette had not long arrived in France. The
chateau and estate of La Grange, which madame,
who was an heiress, had brought him, was all
that remained of his fortune; everything else
he had lost in the madness of revolutionary
confiscation, and had not yet been able to
procure restitution or compensation.

"To add to the interest of this scene, General
Fitzpatrick, who had known M. de Lafayette
in America, and had in 1794 moved an address
to the House of Commons to beg the king to
intercede for M. de Lafayette's liberation from
his German dungeon (which motion was
rejected by one hundred and fifty-three against
forty-six votes), joined the party at La Grange,
and was received most affectionately by the
family. Lally Tolendal, also, whose father had,
under the old régime, suffered so severe a fate,
was at La Grange—an open, honest, agreeable
man, telling a great many anecdotes relating to
the revolution. In the evening he read extracts
from Shakespeare, translated by himself into
French. A few of M. de Lafayette's country
neighbours were occasionally invited: his table
was plentiful, and our evenings were diversified
by conversation and chess, or some other game,
as was most agreeable. Madame was extremely
pleasing in conversation, and narrated her