same direction, and a clause was carried to enforce residence in all but the poorest livings, which will strip
plurality of not a few of its charms.

Ireland has occupied a good deal of legislative attention during the month; and in connection with the
Irish Chancery Reform bill (which has now passed the Lower House), we may glance at the extraordinary
revolution which the sales under the Encumbered Estates Act are silently effecting over the whole face of
that country. The predictions which attended the passing of this act, as to its clearing Land of litigation,
and turning into a blessing what for two centuries had been associated with little save suffering and crime, are
in a steady course of gradual fulfilment. The prices obtained are reasonably good (eighteen and nineteen years
purchase); the native bidders are more numerous than was expected; and additional inducements now held
out by Sir John Romilly's Security for Advances bill, a most statesmanlike measure, will have the effect of
attracting to Ireland still more of unemployed English capital than has yet had courage to venture there. The
object of this bill is to facilitate the borrowing of money on the absolute security of the land bought by the
borrower under the Encumbered Estates Act, to the extent of half the amount of the purchase money; thus
guaranteeing the safety of such investments; and it is in contemplation, we believe, even to empower the Bank
of England to lend money on mortgages thus secured. Another question very essential to any hope of
continued peace in Ireland, has passed the lower house after a striking debate; and the new Irish Reform bill
is in the House of Lords. Sir James Graham's emphatic warning against resting national institutions on a
too narrow electoral basis, drawn from the recent example of Louis Philippe, produced a strong sensation;
and it is no insignificant tribute to the spirit of the time that the same sagacious statesman should have
expressed his readiness to see the principle of household suffrage generally adopted in parliamentary
representation. Of the intolerable grievance to be remedied in Ireland no doubt whatever exists. Though the
majority for the bill was only sixty-eight, in a house of four hundred and forty members, it was not denied
in the debate that the Irish constituencies have been gradually dwindling away ever since the Act of '32;
that the electors, for a population of eight millions, do not now amount to fifty thousand; and that whereas
twenty-nine per cent, is the electoral average throughout Great Britain, two per cent. is the average in Ireland.
The struggle in the Lords will mainly be to raise the franchise, and this will be led by Irish proprietors; nor will
even the bill to abolish the universally admitted nuisance of the Irish vice-royalty, and to create an additional
secretary for the Home Department, lately introduced by Lord John to the House of Commons, be
permitted to pass without a considerable Irish opposition. Meanwhile Lord Ellenborough has revived, with
perhaps more spirit than wisdom, the question of payment for the priesthood (who are reported to be starving
amid those villages of the south and west which emigration and mortality have depopulated); and petitions
have been presented both to Lords and Commons, during the month, as well for the appropriation of
Protestant church revenues to the better accommodation of Catholic church parishes, as for the surrender of
ill-filled Protestant churches to the use of over-filled Catholic chapels. But these modest suggestions have
not yet begun to attract attention.

Other questions not directly political, but involving interests of the highest importance, have been brought
in various ways into discussion. The Metropolitan Interments bill has made no further progress in the
House of Commons, but it is to be hoped that the courage and resolve of its friends will not fall short of the
desperate and eager activity of its opponents. The latter have done what they could to strengthen their
case, by a foul riot at a meeting supposed to be unfavourable to them; when an organised body of
"performers" in the solemn and gentle offices of the dead, went through a more congenial performance of
ruffianism to the living, overpowering speakers on the platform, insulting and terrifying ladies who were
present, and finally clearing the room. Lord Ashley has withdrawn his opposition to the government
proposal for giving practical efficacy to the Ten Hours Act; and though Mr. Richard Oastler, but the morning
before he did this, had been indulging a dream at Broadstairs of "Her Most Gracious Majesty sending for
Lord Ashley to form a Ministry," all the more rational of the Ten Hours champions have since signified
acquiescence in the compromise. When the bill shall have passed, factories will be worked from six to six on
five days in the week, and between six and two on Saturdays, with perfect leisure after two on the latter day,
and with an hour and a half for meals and leisure on each of the former. A measure not less deeply interesting
to masses of the most industrious part of the population, is the scheme for securing more direct responsibility
in the management of Savings Banks, and for extending the power of government to grant annuities
and life assurances of small amounts through the medium of those institutions (the latter, as it seems to
us, a most important step in legislation for the interests of working men), which is now before the House of
Commons for discussion. Another measure, the discussion of which is likely to continue keen in proportion
to the number and magnitude of the interests involved in it, is the County Courts Extension bill;
members complaining that their very coats are torn off their backs in passing through the lobbies by parties
eager to compel their advocacy of it, organised committees of merchants and traders assisting and
memorialising as fiercely against it, and the Attorney-general and the Home Secretary by adroit adoption of it
having already very nearly amended it "off the face of the earth." The month has brought announcement
also of other law reforms. A Commission has been issued, preparatory to a reform of the system of special
pleading, which will no doubt be of special benefit, though it has too much the appearance of a move in aid
of the Higher against the County Courts; Lord Campbell has introduced a bill to simplify criminal pleadings,
and prevent the lamentable and too notorious defects of justice on small technical points; the same active
dignitary has declared, in judgment on a case in the Queen's Bench which has hardly attracted the notice
due to its importance, that the intervention of an attorney is not essential in the employment of a barrister,
but that the latter may receive his instructions directly from the party to the suit, though such a course is
the reverse of commendable; a spirited attempt is in progress, by Mr. Keogh, to reform the Ecclesiastical
Courts in Ireland; and the Lord High Chancellor Cottenham has at length roused himself to a part
of the work so long expected from him, and has issued a series of Orders which will have the effect of
dispensing, in a large class of suits, with the formality of bill and answer, and of providing for the reference
to the master on a mere observance of certain very simple forms. It is a clear and decisive step in advance,
and worthy to have been the last official act of one of the greatest lawyers that ever adorned the woolsack;
but it is to be hoped the next step will go beyond the master's offices, and venture into the penetralia of
the High Court itself.

A glance into lower law courts, before we close, may not inaptly conclude this month's review.