conduct for his compelled absence. Nor in the other colleges, where religious difficulties were as little
wanting to obstruct success, are the reports of moral and spiritual progress less satisfactory, whether from
the Presbyterian, the Protestant, or the Roman Catholic. It was consequently felt as soon as they appeared, that
a damaging blow had been struck against the Cullen ascendancy, and this notion received speedy corroboration
in the prompt appearance of a fresh and more elaborate manifesto against mixed education from the pen of
the redoubtable Cullen himself. It is in the shape of a letter to an alderman of Cork, and a more vapid or
powerless production it would be impossible to conceive. The most ardent catholics cannot but profess
themselves ashamed of the teaching of this bigot priest, who would violently cut asunder every bond of
union now existing between the catholic and protestant in their native land. They see that what is an
argument for the separation of children in schools, is equally an argument for separation in the social
intercourse of maturer age; and from such a logical carrying out of bigotry and intolerance to their
legitimate consequences, they shrink startled and non-acquiescent. Apart from the wrong involved in any
such alienation, they find it called for by no necessity, recommended by no advantage. The cowl of the
monk might as well be substituted at once for the ordinary secular head-gear of the citizen. They have clearly
no taste for it. Let us see exactly the words they use, and which hereafter may be worth recalling. "They
know," says their ablest organ in the Irish press, speaking of the Cullen theory of education, "that it
involves a total disorganisation of society, and they regard the advocacy of it by the chief prelate of their
island with mingled feelings of pain and humiliation. They themselves understand how it is that he
should be the champion of a principle repugnant to all their own ideas, and they can find excuses for a line
of conduct which they regret to witness. But it is a distressing task for persons in this position to have to
apologise for one in his." Courage, good Catholic fellow-citizens! It would be more distressing to have
to yield up your birthright, without even a mess of good Christian pottage to reward you for its loss. For
what must a man's theory or practice of religion be worth who would sow general dissention and separation
between all sects and classes of faithful Christian men?

Nor are these threats of rebellion against ultra-montanism the only gleams of hope now visible on
the Irish horizon. There has been a plan made public within the last fortnight, which has for its object
the enabling Irishmen to help themselves. The mere singularity of such a project we are disposed to
accept for omen of its success. But it is started with other more favourable because more practical omens.
A number of men, known only for what ordinarily keeps men entirely unknown in Ireland, we mean
abstinence from all wild party cries, political or religious, have consented to form a committee to work the scheme.
Its object is to arrest the tide of emigration, which threatens unchecked to desolate the land, by creating a
peasant proprietary; and this is proposed to be accomplished by applying the principle and machinery of
the English Freehold Land Societies, originated by Mr. Taylor of Birmingham, to the facilities of
purchasing land created under the Encumbered Estates Act. All the details appear to have been thoroughly
considered, as well with reference to the sufficiency of farms of the size proposed, and the existence of
sufficient capital among the classes appealed to, as to the chances of regularity in the paying up of
instalments. As to the first point, we must nevertheless confess we see greater difficulties than seem to be
altogether admitted by the authors of the scheme. The societies as worked in England have hitherto proved
available, we believe, chiefly as building societies. To place a man in possession of a farm without ample
means of applying it to effectual agricultural purposes, is to spoil a good labourer for the purpose of
making a bad farmer. A bit of land wholly arable may be very well tilled with the spade, but for other
land other and more expensive agencies are required, and will hardly be so easy of attainment as the
scheme takes for granted. In other words it may be found necessary at first to begin on a larger scale in
reference to the size of the farm. But all this will come duly into discussion; and from such discussion,
and other questions consequent on the proposal having been launched in real earnest, nothing but good
effects can arise. It is the most hopeful gleam of light that has shone upon Ireland for many a day.

To the two topics (unhappily always "standing") of railway mismanagement and religious scandal there
has been the usual monthly contribution. We long ago stated that parliamentary interference had become
necessary in regard to some matters of railway management, and railway directors themselves are now
clamouring for parliamentary interference to check railway competition. The same stone will serve for both
if well aimed and smartly flung. See what has just been done in the religious department (if the incomes of
bishops can by any amount of straining be brought under that head) by a sharply levelled Order in Council
under the Ecclesiastical Commission Act. All bishops appointed after the 1st of January 1848, are required to
deliver twice a year a correct account in writing, certified under their hand, of all moneys received by them in
respect of the revenues of their sees during the last half-year, and, if such sum shall exceed or fall short of
the half-yearly income allotted to him by the commissioners, the Bishop is to pay over the surplus, or receive
the deficiency, as the case may be. It is further provided, that in every case of a fine exceeding £100, the
Bishop shall not be permitted to renew without the consent of the commissioners, and, if the fine exceed one-half
the annual income, the lessees are empowered to pay it over to the commissioners. Any one not properly
respectful to the episcopal bench might be apt to think that this order implied nothing less than the damaging
charge that when a bishop's income (appointed before January 1848) happened to be in excess of what had
been calculated upon, he has not only pocketed the surplus, but peradventure rendered accounts not faultlessly
"correct." There is another provision in the order capable also of disrespectful construction. The
commissioners are authorised to enter into an agreement for regulating the income of any bishop appointed
before the 1st of January 1848. Each will cry, that is levelled at me! Why should you wish to regulate
my income, the Bishop of Durham will ask. You assigned me £8000 as my income, but my see produces
£30,000, and if I pay you over £13,000, and keep £17,000 for myself, who on earth has reason to complain?
And ditto to Doctor Maltby, will be the cry of the right reverend brethren in their various acquisitive
degrees. Nevertheless the hint of the Order in Council will not be lost sight of by the public, if it should
happen (as is most likely) to be clean forgotten by the bishops "appointed before the 1st of January 1848.''

NARRATIVE OF POLITICS.

There was a meeting of Roman Catholics at Birmingham
on the 6th, to express their obligations to Dr.
Newman for his lectures delivered there on Catholicism
in England. The meeting was remarkable, chiefly for
the announcement on the cards of admission that "the
Lord Bishop of Birmingham" would preside, and for