nation of higher intelligence. But it was nonsense to
talk about "justice" (as it was understood by civilised
men) in connexion with such a matter. He went on to
say, that the Cape colony had nothing to do with British
Caffraria, except that the governor of the former
happened to be the chief commissioner of the latter; and
therefore the question of colonial government was not
to the present purpose. He advised English people not
to be deluded by the idea of amalgamating two breeds
which could never mix; but he wished that the Anglo-
Saxon settler should, as in America and elsewhere, be
allowed to deal with the aboriginal savage. He
reproached the government with an inclination to
abnegate its own policy, and to violate the principle that the
executive, and not the house, was to govern the empire.
—Mr. LABOUCHERE, in reply to Mr. Gladstone and
Mr. Roebuck, reminded the house that the course now
proposed by government was no new one, and he referred
to instances in Mr. Huskisson's time, and since, in
which the assistance of committees had been asked in
considering colonial interests. He went on to say that
there was a sacred duty imposed upon parliament and
the government, wherever two races came into collision,
to restrain the passions of both, and to do their best for
preventing the colonial possession in question from being
plunged into blood and strife. Government did not
shrink from doing its duty to the colonies, which it was
at this very time endeavouring to discharge, nor could
its wish for this committee be fairly construed into a
desire to get quit of its responsibility.—Mr. HUME said
that the speech of Mr. Labouchere was at direct variance
with candour, because the very precedents upon which
he had relied had occurred in times when a colonial
policy was practised which government now affected to
set aside, in favour of the system of colonial self-government.
He demanded why the deputy sent over by the
Cape had been allowed to remain four months in
England without his being able to get a hearing from the
government on the subject of the constitution of the
colony? He hoped that the house would not agree
to the appointment of a committee, simply for the sake
of shelving the subject, and he expressed his conviction
that the proposed commission would be advantageous.—
Mr. J. BELL (in a maiden speech) protested against
Mr. Roebuck's argument, which, he said, violated all
the principles of Christianity. If superior civilisation
were to be the perpetual justification of violence, who
was to decide where really superior civilisation lay?
He could not assent to a policy of blood, especially as
he understood that the savages were willing to sell their
lands for a very moderate price.—Mr. S. HERBERT, in
reply to Mr. Labouchere, denied the appositeness of any
of the instances cited by that gentleman of appointment
of committees on colonial matters; nor did he
think that any of the committees appointed by governments
had afforded much hope of a real solution of the
difficulties submitted. And he did not consider this a
case in which a committee was called for. A war was
actually raging, and the executive at the Cape ought to
be left unshackled in its action, unless that action was
to be directed by the plainest and most unmistakeable
instructions from home. A committee could not know
what would be actually going on, and might lead to
serious impediments to the public service. He thought
Mr. Adderley's proposition less objectionable than Lord
John Russell's, but. he should vote against both.—
Mr. BOOKER thought that ministers had upon this
occasion shown becoming vigour and manliness, and
declared that they should have his vote.—Mr. HAWES,
in reply to Mr. S. Herbert, denied that any injury could
be done to the Cape colony by the appointment of the
committee. Dwelling upon the advantage of such an
investigation as was proposed, he said that its results
would be to show that our policy at the Cape had neither
been one of weakness nor of extermination. He declared
that, thanks to Sir H. Smith, civilisation was progressing
in our African possessions, while due protection was
being afforded to the aboriginal inhabitants. And he
asked the house to give permission to the government
to prove this before the committee.—Mr. ADDERLEY
briefiy replied.—The house divided, and the numbers
were, for Mr. Adderley's motion, 59; against it, 129;
majority against it, 70.—Lord J. Russell's amendment
having thus become the substantive motion, the house
divided again, and the numbers were, for Lord J.
Russell's amendment, 128; against it, 60; majority for
the select committee, 68.

Mr. MONSELL drew attention to the Mortality in the
Kilrush and Ennistymon Unions, in the latter of which,
in two weeks, there had been 253 deaths out of 3893
persons—a proportion unexampled, he said, in the
history of charitable institutions in this country.—Lord
J. RUSSELL said, every means that could be adopted to
remedy this state of things had been taken by the
commissioners, who had ascertained that sufficient diet was
provided for the inmates of the unions; but he was
sorry to say that, from the condition of the persons who
entered the workhouses, great mortality could not be
prevented.

The consideration of the petition of Edwards,
committed by the St. Albans' Election Committee for keeping
out of the way witnesses who, it was alleged, could
prove improper conduct on the part of the agents of
Mr. Jacob Bell, was gone into, and the result was that
Edwards was committed to Newgate.

Lord MAHON called attention to a subject connected
with Ireland, the Publication at the National Expense of
School-books, which was considered to be an undue
interference with private competition, a grievance to
the publishing trade, and an especial grievance to many
deserving men who had produced by their own means
publications for the use of schools. He then went over
the facts connected with the applications made by
Messrs. Murray and Longman on the subject.—Lord J.
RUSSELL said the subject was one which came properly
under the consideration of the committee of privy
council on Education; and immediately on receiving the
first letter of Messrs. Longman, he had asked the
president of the council, whenever the committee should
meet, to allow him to bring the subject under their
consideration. It was brought under their consideration;
and the arrangement agreed to by the committee of
privy council was, that it was desirable not to publish
any books here, but to treat with different publishers,
in different parts of the country, with respect to school
books, in order that they might be enabled to afford
those books as cheaply as possible to the schools applying
for them. The committee had corresponded with a
great many different publishers; and the result was
that the publications which they obtained were obtainedbr /