departments of knowledge, and a wider exercise of the mental faculties? The capacity of most fully
comprehending and acting on the truths of religion will surely be always best derived from that kind of
education which gives a practical force and direction to those truths in relation to the duties of society.
We talk, dishonestly and disingenuously, of secular education as if it excluded religion, when in fact it is the
only discipline which rightly prepares the mind for religious truth; and some such scheme as that proposed
and summarily rejected by the House of Commons the other night (in principle, that is, for in points of
management and detail we should possibly differ very widely from Mr. Fox), would not only furnish that
needful training, but would also, in the only possible way, provide for the efficacy of religious teaching itself by
giving free scope to the efforts of every religious sect. The result of the arguments now employed (and by none
with greater zeal than the new Solicitor-General) is substantially to declare ignorance a thing preferable to
knowledge; for to set up a special religious basis practically consigns the people to ignorance, rather than that
knowledge should be diffused on any other system than their own. And great will be the rejoicing in the
halls of ignorance, so long as the advocates of secular and religious instruction are thus kept hopelessly
apart from meeting on a common ground, or combining for a common object.

Altogether indeed the public prospect, or out-look, must be regarded as a peculiarly cheerful one in
those gloomy quarters. For every drubbing that education has lately had, there has been a hopeful pat on
the back for ignorance. It is tolerably clear for instance, from revelations just made, that the operations of the
Education Committee of Privy Council are not far from being brought to a stand-still; for it is now confessed,
that even of the grants last obtained from Parliament, a very large proportion remains unappropriated. The
dominant Church faction will not have Church grants without a perfect freedom from State conditions, or, in
other words, without obtaining for the parochial clergy the whole power of parochial education; and the
Government authorities very properly refuse State grants where the laity are not ensured a certain control
over the secular management of the schools. Here comes the dead lock so pleasant in the quarters we have
named; and of which the only thing favourable to be said is, that at least it has the advantage of doing
nothing; whereas to yield to the high-flying demands of the Church in the matter, would be to do a vast
amount of irreparable mischief. One more attempt is to be made in a few days to defeat that party in the
National Society; but it is to be feared, from past experience, that anything fair to the rest of the community
in regard to education is not now to be expected from a body so notoriously bound up with the high party
in the Church. Oxford still points the example and leads the way; and Oxford decided, about a week ago,
by a majority in convocation of more than two to one, to petition her Majesty to revoke the Royal
Commission for inquiring into the studies and discipline of the university! If her Majesty declines compliance
with this modest petition, then the petitioners demand to be heard before herself in council against the
legality of the commission of the crown. How unchangeable is Oxford amid the changes of everything
else in the world! This is the same Oxford still which on the day of Lord William Russell's execution
passed in full convocation a decree of adhesion to divine right and passive obedience, and was the first
to take arms against the Sovereign a very few days later, when the butteries and strong boxes of her
colleges were suddenly attacked and invaded.

Nor is this the whole of the inspiriting news at which the advocates of ignorance have reason to be joyful.
Intelligence has come from Rome of the final ratification, by the Pope, of all the canons and decrees of
the Synod of Thurles against the Queen's Colleges in Ireland. The colleges are declared dangerous to faith
and morals, disruption is pronounced between them and all the Catholic clergy who have heretofore supported
them, the Catholic deans and vice-presidents are to flee from further intercourse with the heretic, and even
the laity are to be called upon, under threat of ecclesiastical penalties, to withdraw their children from
among the students, and prevent them from availing themselves in future of any kind or class of
knowledge taught in those establishments. This news arrives too late to permit us to speculate as to its
probable consequences. But if the Catholic laity are indeed so far subjected to their priests as to obey a
decree so intolerant and impudent, the consequences both social and political cannot but be serious.
Meanwhile, let this fresh assertion of the silly and arrogant obstinacy of the Romish Church be used as a
comment and illustration to the crawling and contemptible debates which prolong still the wearisome
discussion of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. But really of this discussion nothing better or worse is to be
said than that it is exactly such as the measure deserved. One night was occupied with a debate whether
the bill involved a question of religion or not; another night was passed in wandering round a new declaratory
clause or preamble, framed by way of compromise with the tory demand for something vigorous in the way
of formal condemnation of the papal rescript; a third has been passed in attempts to elicit from the
lawyers what the law was without the bill, and what it might, would, could, or should be with it; and a
fourth has been devoted to a succession of amendments invented by the Irish members, each meaning just
the same as its precursor, and none having any other object, real or pretended, than obstruction and delay.

The house has meanwhile, however, been moderate in its dullness on other subjects. Early in the month
ministers were defeated by a majority of fourteen on the question of limiting the duration of the income-tax
to one year, with a view to a committee of inquiry before it shall be imposed for any longer period with its
present inequalities; and not many days after this defeat they suffered a similar disaster, though by only
the small majority of one, on Lord Naas's motion against the present mode of levying the excise duty
on whiskey. But since these incidents the house has been so much on its good behaviour, to say nothing
of its having become extraordinarily fond of going to the Exhibition, that it has run away from every subject
that threatened to be serious. There has been no house for parliamentary reform, a count-out for the
colonies, infinite doublings and delays for Borneo and Ceylon, and so little relish for Protection that all the
long-winded orators of that faction have been driven to practise out of doors. The month began with
a monster demonstration of top-boots at Drury Lane, at which, after everybody had abused what Lord
Stanley has avowed to be his policy, the Duke of Richmond consistently and ingenuously advised everybody
to stick by Lord Stanley. Then a fresh avowal having meanwhile been let drop by the protectionist
leader and advocate of a low fixed duty in the House of Lords to the effect that the object of legislation
should ever be the benefit of the consumer (as pregnant a free-trade doctrine as was ever uttered), a noted
out-of-doors agitator, Lord Stanhope, took occasion at Cranworth to denounce the shilly-shally dealers in
that sort of vague nonsense which supposed that Protection might mean nothing more than a low fixed
duty which would not raise the price to the consumer "Need he observe, that such a measure as