that of selfish covetousness—is quite prepared
to cast himself at her feet—which, with a
little good management of her and her
mother's, he soon actually did. Having, as
yet, more money in his pocket than he knew
how to get through, he was exceedingly
pleased with what he had done, and not a
little proud in due time to incarcerate this
fair creature in solitary grandeur within his
carriage, whilst he and his boon companions
rejoiced outside.

The connexions formed by his marriage
occasioned additional incentives to expense.
Introduced into a more elevated circle
than he had as yet moved in, and impelled
by the evil ambition of outshining every one
with whom he associated, Winstanley soon
found innumerable new opportunities for
spending money. He became a prey to
imaginary necessities. His carriages, his horses,
his villas and their furniture, his dinners, his
wines, his yachts;—her fêtes in the morning
and her balls in the evening, her gardens
(which were for ever changing) her delicate
health, which required the constant excitement
of Continental travel, and yachting
excursions;—the dress of both; the wild
extravagance of everything,—I leave you to
picture to yourselves.

THE GOOD SIDE OF COMBINATION.

No man wilfully propounds a doctrine which
he believes to be false in every particular.
The honest man upholds that which he believes
to be most true; the trader in opinion upholds
that which he believes to be most attractive.
We have much faith in human nature, and
believe that nothing can be very attractive as
a matter of opinion which does not contain
some element of truth or goodness. This,
therefore, the worst man who desires to be a
leader of the people, is compelled to bear in
mind.

We propose to discuss, simply and briefly,
two or three points connected with the subject
of combination, which have of late years been
often agitated by, or on behalf of, working
men. It is our earnest wish to assist every
forward movement, and we are not disposed
to be so nice as to refuse to take up a cause, if
it be good, because dishonourable men have
handled it. The cause of which we propose now
to investigate one or two leading principles has,
we know, suffered greatly from dishonourable
advocates. But we know also that it has
supporters among men who possess real humanity
and cultivated intellect. Let it be understood,
therefore, that we approach it with respect
and in a candid spirit.

It is said that we are all too much disjoined
from one another; that each pursues, in a
comparatively independent manner, the path
of his own interest; that thus there arise a
multitude of interests perpetually clashing,
bidding and underbidding against each other;
that we are all straining in a race of competition;
and that this competition grinds the
poorer portion of us down into the dust. It
is proposed that men shall go to work in a
more social manner; that numbers shall
coalesce to join their labour for a common
interest; that limits shall be set to competition,
by forbidding any one to give out or to
take in work for wages that shall fall below
a reasonable hire. In this way, it is granted
that we may not as a whole produce so much;
but it is said that we shall be individually more
at ease, and socially and morally take higher
rank as human beings than we do at present.

We shall say nothing of the extreme view,
which would have the whole community
united in a social bond, using all things
in common. We do not often meet a man
who can suppose that the wife who abides
with him in love, the children who call him
father, and draw out from him daily much of
what he feels to be the purest portion of his
inner spirit, are but hinderments to progress,
and that if he lived like a dog he would be
happier. Nor do we often meet a man, with
any honesty of mind, however poor, who
would not wish to be indebted to himself for
his subsistence; to have the hope of
material advancement before him, lending interest
to all his labours; and, almost daily, sweetening
some bitter cup that is, with contemplation
of the better cup that is to be.

Here we know we are met by the assertion,
that a man who works for wages in this
country, has held out to him but little hope of
change in his position. Great genius, of course,
may, in exceptional cases, work a way for some
men of the humblest origin to fame and
honour; but that is beside our question
altogether. It is said that men, working for
wages, may, indeed, by skill and industry,
acquire high pay, and may put money into
savings banks; but if they do not like that
method of investment, if they wish to purchase
with their little hoard an altered, and, as they
believe, improved position in the world, they
cannot do so very easily. This statement is
quite true. We called attention last year to
the report of the Committee on Savings, when
it was published. The recommendations made
in that report have to be kept before the
public. They are just and sound. We will
recall them briefly.

It was recommended as most just and fit
that working men should have full liberty to
make whatever honest use they pleased of
their own earnings; that, therefore, if it were
thought desirable by any of them to combine
their savings for investment in a trade, they
ought not to be hindered from associating for
such a purpose, in tens, twenties, or whatever
other numbers their funds or their designs
might render most convenient to themselves.
It was proved, however, that the laws of
partnership, as now existing in this country,
press with no slight weight, upon men
possessing full resources; and tend to crush
the enterprise of men with little means. It