Union, gave some particulars respecting the boys. Of
the eleven, who were all well recommended, three were
from the school held in that place; three from the
school in Grotto Place, Marylebone; two from the school
in John Street, Mint; two from North Street, Mile-end;
and one from the Ann Street Dormitory. Five
of these would be landed at Port Adelaide, the other
six at Port Philip. The cost of sending them out would
be upwards of £200, the whole of which had been raised
and paid over to the parties who would send them out.

NARRATIVE OF FOREIGN EVENTS.

THE great incident of the month in continental politics is the split between Louis Napoleon and the
French Assembly. It is possible that good may come of it, on the principle of the old proverb about
rogues falling out; but it requires a large amount of hopefulness to discover any kind of prospect of good for
France just now. One thing is certain however, and as certainly was not anticipated by either of the
combative parties in the recent strife—the Republican form established in '48 has received singular and
unexpected reinforcement from the very measures devised to overthrow it. Even M.Thiers perceives it now to
be the only system with a chance of durability in it, and M. Louis Napoleon has surrendered for the present
his fitful Imperial dream.

There has been a curious clash of another kind between two angry foreign potentates, which it is impossible
not to regard with yet greater satisfaction. Decrepit old Austria has shaken her fist at lusty young America,
and received for her pains what the slang of the ring would denominate a "regular smasher." It seems that
the late President of America had dispatched a diplomatic agent to Hungary during the troubles, accredited
to obtain trustworthy reports of the state of the country and its prospects of resistance; and that Prince
Schwartzenburg discovering this fact among the official papers published at Washington (wherein, also, the
Austrian rule was called an "iron" one, and Kossuth an "illustrious" person), straightway let off an
explosive mission against the American government, broadly hinting at retaliation, and affirming that if the
agent in question had been discovered he would most probably have been hanged as a spy. To this
Mr. Webster responds, that America had owed its existence as a nation to precisely the sort of resistance
stigmatised by Austria as rebellion. That the father of the nation, Washington, had been exactly in
the position of Kossuth. Further, that America most strongly sympathises in consequence, and means
to continue to do so, with every struggle that has for its object the wresting of power from despotic
governments. Also, that the dominion of the Republic, in the name of which he writes, is spread over the
most rich and fertile region on the globe, and is of an extent in comparison with which the possessions of the
House of Hapsburg are but a patch on the earth's surface. And finally, that supposing Prince Schwartzenburg
should have thought proper to treat any American as a spy, his highness might assuredly have looked for
immediate hostilities to be waged by the utmost exertion of the power of the Republic, military and naval!

This is language that one cannot but feel is not only likely to be beneficial in Austria but also much
nearer home. It is true that America has a broader ditch between herself and her adversaries than is
possessed by the older countries of the earth, and can the better afford to be prompt and loud in the expression
of her anger. But the example is a noble one not the less; because the feeling of self-assertion is real and
well-founded, and there is no doubt, that, if need were, the words would take the form of deeds as strong
and brave.

The political intelligence from France during the
past month consists of the progress of a "ministerial
crisis," a series of party struggles and changes of
administration, which has not yet come to a close. It
arose out of the dissensions between the President and
General Changarnier, whose assumption of power, it
appears, Louis Napoleon could no longer brook. His
determination to dismiss Changarnier from the command
of the army, a measure adverse to the will of the
Assembly, led to the resignation of the ministry, which
took place on the evening of the 3rd inst., after a meeting
of the Assembly, in which General Changarnier's
proceedings had been the subject of debate. Some
days afterwards a conference took place between the
President and a body of the leading parliamentary
chiefs, in which they demanded the maintenance of
Changarnier in his command, a demand with which
the President peremptorily refused to comply. The
President then appointed a new ministry, consisting of
M. Drouyn de l'Huys, for Foreign Affairs, General St.
Jean d'Angely for War, M. Docos for Marine, M.
Magne for Public Works, and M. Boileau for Commerce.
Of the old Cabinet, Baroche, Fould, Rouher, and
Parrieu retained office. The post occupied by Gen.
Changarnier was abolished; and Gen. Baraguy d'Hilliers
was appointed to the command of the first military
division, and Gen. Perrot of the National Guard.

The ministers met the Assembly on the 10th, and
they, on the one hand, and Changarnier on the other,
were loudly greeted by their respective partisans.
M. de Remusat called upon the new ministers to come
forward and explain why the old administration had
withdrawn, and why they had replaced it. He called
upon the Assembly to retire into their bureaux and
devise measures commanded by the gravity of
circumstances. M. Baroche entered into ministerial explanations
in the midst of noisy interruptions; and, after
a stormy debate, a ballot took place on M. Remusat's
proposition, which was carried by 330 to 273. In
the bureaux a committee was appointed, of which M.
de Broglie was chairman; and on the 14th this
committee made a report to the Assembly, recommending a
resolution to the effect that "the Assembly, while
acknowledging that the Executive power has made use
of an incontestable right, but blaming the use which
the present Cabinet has made of this right, declares
that the former Commander-in-Chief has preserved all
the esteem and confidence of the Assembly."

On the 15th a debate commenced on this report of
the committee, which did not terminate till the evening
of the 18th, when a coalition having taken place between
the Conservative majority, the Republican party of
General Cavaignac, and the Mountain, the ministers
were defeated by a majority of 417 votes against 278,
an absolute majority of 139. When the general debate
had closed, the President of the Assembly read the
several amendments. M. St. Beuve demanded the
priority of his amendment, which was as follows:—
"The Assembly declares that it has not confidence
in the ministry, and passes to the order of the day."
This amendment having been carried, the ministry had
nothing for it but to resign.

For several days, various attempts were made to form
a new ministry, but without success; till, on the 23rd, the
Assembly and the public were startled by a message
from the President, containing the following passages:
—"In order not to prolong a painful difference, I
accepted, after the late vote of the Assembly, the
resignation of a ministry which had given to the country,
in the cause of order, the most marked pledges of