its devotedness. Wishing, however, to form a Cabinet
with a chance of duration, I could not take its elements
from a majority having its origin in such exceptional
circumstances; and, with regret, I found myself utterly
unable to find a combination amongst the members
of the minority, notwithstanding its importance. In
this conjuncture, and after vain attempts, I resolved
to form a transition ministry, composed of special
men, not belonging to any fraction of the Assembly,
and who have decided to devote themselves to affairs
without any party views. The honourable men who accept
this patriotic task will have a right to the gratitude
of the country. The administration will consequently
continue as previously. Prejudices will disappear at the
remembrance of the solemn declarations of the message
of November 12th. The real majority will be
reconstituted; harmony will be re-established, without the
two powers having sacrificed anything of the dignity
which constitutes their force. France wishes above
all for repose; and she expects from those to whom she
has given her confidence a conciliation without
weakness, a tranquil firmness, and an impassibility in what
is right." The message was listened to in deep silence.
There was no interruption of any kind. The uppermost
feeling seemed surprise, although something of this kind
was expected. Nevertheless the house was thin; but,
when the circumstances got wind, many representatives
thronged in from the couloirs. The new ministry,
whose names were published in a supplement to the
Moniteur, is as follows:—General Randon, War; Waiss,
Interior; Germiny, Finance; Magne, Public Works;
Brennier, Foreign Affairs; Royer, Justice; Vaillant,
Marine; Giraud, Public Instruction; Schneider,
Agriculture and Commerce. Not one of the new ministers
is a representative of the Assembly,—a circumstance
which is hitherto without a parallel in the constitutional
history of France.

There has been a Duel between two editors of Paris
journals. An article having appeared in the Corsaire,
reflecting on M. Hugo, one of the editors of the Evènement,
M. Hugo (who is the son of the celebrated Victor
Hugo) challenged M.Viennot, one of the editors of the
Corsaire. In consequence of the disparity of their ages,
it was agreed that M. Viennot's son should fight in his
father's place. They fought with swords in the wood
of Meudon, and M. Hugo was slightly wounded. The
duellists and their seconds were tried before the Tribunal
of Correctional Police. Viennot and his two seconds
were fined 100 francs each; and M. Hugo's two seconds,
one of whom was Alexandre Dumas, were fined 200
francs each. M. Dumas said in his defence, that he
only consented to act as second to M. Hugo on the
express wish of his father, M. Victor Hugo, that he
should fight.

Considerable agitation in the Assembly has been
excited by the Arrest of M. Mauguin, one of the members,
for Debt. M. Mauguin urged his non-liability to arrest
as a member of the Assembly, and demanded to be taken
en référé before the president of the Civil Tribunal.
The president declared that the arrest was legal, the
constitution of 1848 not having reproduced the provision of
the charter of 1830, by which members of the legislative
body were protected from arrest during the session,
and for six weeks preceding and following it. In the
Assembly M. de Larochejacquelin put questions to the
Minister of Justice respecting the arrest of M. Mauguin,
and proposed to the Assembly to order his immediate
liberty. He considered that the arrest in question was
a violation of the constitution, which declared all
members of the legislature inviolable. M. Rouher,
Minister of Justice, declared that the Assembly might
make a new law to regulate such a matter in
future, but could not now interfere in the decision of a
judge without establishing a dangerous precedent.
After some discussion, the Assembly decided the question
in its own favour, by adopting the motion of M. de
Larochejacquelin.

On the 27th a discussion took place in the Assembly
respecting a credit of 488,000f. for expenses relative to
the London Exhibition. M. Schoelcher had asked that
the jury charged with examining the articles intended
for the Exhibition should be selected by the manufacturers.
M. Benoist requested M. Schoelcher to withdraw
his amendment, the plan he proposed being impracticable
for want of time; and he concluded by assuring
him that the jury appointed was composed of most
impartial and competent men. M. Schoelcher acceded
to the request. The discussion then turned on the best
and least expensive means of conveying the productions
to and from London; and Messrs. Raudot and Dahirel
opposed the bill, because the Minister of Commerce,
M. Schneider, would not pledge himself that the
expenses should not exceed 488,000f. The credit was
ultimately voted by 603 to 70.

Spain also had a ministerial crisis. It was suddenly
announced that General Narvaez had resigned on the
10th, and that the Queen had accepted his resignation.
His motive was understood to have been that he felt
himself unable to contend with the Court intrigues got
up against him. On the same night he left Spain for
Bayonne. The other Ministers also resigned, and have
been replaced by a new Cabinet, consisting of M. Bravo
Murillo, President of the Council and Minister of
Finance; M. Beltran de Lis, Minister of Foreign
Affairs; M. Ventura Gonzalez Romero, of Justice;
M. Fermin Arteta, of the Interior; M. Bustillos, of
Marine; General Mirasol, of War. The Duke of Rivas
having refused the Foreign Department, M. Beltran de
Lis, who had been appointed Minister of Public Works,
consented to accept it. It is stated that, the Queen
having at first declined to accept Narvaez's resignation,
he assembled his colleagues, and said to them, that, if
the Queen persisted in her refusal, he was determined
to blow out his brains. Terrified at these words, and
the manner in which they were uttered, the Ministers
hastened to the palace, and with difficulty prevailed on
the Queen to accept his resignation.

The accounts from Germany remain confused and
indistinct. The conferences at Dresden still proceed,
but little or nothing is known of their proceedings.
One account says that the new Executive Council will
be composed of eleven votes, instead of seventeen; and
that of these eleven, Austria and Prussia will have two
each, the four minor kingdoms one each, and the thirty
petty states the remaining three votes between them.
By this process, says the same account, "the whole of
the component parts will have a direct voice in the
Executive; and if each series can agree among
themselves, the fractional voice will have the greater weight,
as it is understood that resolutions are to be adopted by
absolute majorities." It is also believed that the
Plenary Council will be entrusted with legislative
powers, and be composed of plenipotentiaries nominated
ad hoc by each of the thirty-six states of the
confederation. "It is admitted at last by the Ultra-Constitutional
journals, that all attempts at a nearer approach
to unity at the present time are impracticable, and that
years are requisite to pave the way to the realisation of
that which has hitherto proved to be a mere dream."

The first trial by jury took place at Vienna on the
15th inst. The Minister of Justice, M. von Schmerling,
and a crowded audience, attended this ceremony. The
culprit—a girl accused of incendiarism and other offences
—was found guilty, and sentenced to three years'
hard labour.

On the 18th inst., the anniversary of the Coronation
of the King of Prussia, the King held an extraordinary
levee, and conferred various orders of knighthood on
about 250 persons: M. Manteuffel was decorated with
the order of the Red Eagle—first class. At the festival
subsequently held in the palace, the King proposed the
following toasts in the following characteristic speech:
"Gentlemen, fill your glasses, for three toasts. The
first draught we drink to the past, in which the princes
and people of Prussia, bound together in faithful
concord, have achieved such great things; the second to
the present, especially to the whole people in arms
who, bv their prompt rising up, have again proved that
the disaster of the year 1848 has not infected the hearts of
the people. To you, gentlemen, whom I have
decorated with orders for jour devoted loyalty, and have
the pleasure to-day to receive as my guests, this draught
is also devoted. The third is for the future. Few of
us will outlive the next fifty years, but we all desire